T. Balasubramanian is the author of A Textbook of English phonetics for Indian students ( avg rating, 76 ratings, 5 reviews, published ) and Engl. T. Balasubramanian is the author of A Textbook of English phonetics for Indian students (avg rating, 73 ratings, 5 reviews, published) and Engl. A Textbook of. About the Book: A Textbook of English Phonetics for Indian Students (Second Edition)is an elementary but detailed textbook of English Phonetics. Sufficient.
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Regional variation is accepted by everyone without question. It is common knowledge that people from London do not speak English in the same way as those from Bristol, Edinburgh or Cardiff; nor, on a global scale, in the same way as the citizens of New York, Sydney, Johannesburg or Auckland.
What is more controversial is the question of social variation in language, especially where the link with social class is concerned. In considering variation we can take account of a range of possibilities. The broad- est local accents are termed basilects adjective: basilectal.
These are associated with working-class occupations and persons less privileged in terms of education and other social factors.
The most prestigious forms of speech are termed acrolects adjective: acrolectal. These, by contrast, are generally found in persons with more advantages in terms of wealth, education and other social factors.
In addition, we find a range of mesolects adjective: mesolectal — a term used to cover varieties intermediate between the two extremes, the whole forming an accent continuum. This situation has often been represented in the form of a triangle, sometimes referred to as the sociolinguistic pyramid Figure A1.
In England, for example, there is great variation regionally amongst the basilectal varieties. On the other hand, the prestigious acrolectal accent exhibits very few differences from one area to another. Mesolects once again fall in between, with more variation than in the acrolect but less than in the basilects. In the British Isles it is fair to say that one variety of English pronunciation has traditionally been connected with the more privileged section of the population.
As a result, it became what is termed a prestige accent, namely, a variety regarded highly even by those who do not speak it, and associated with status, education and wealth.
RP was not a regional but a social accent; it was to be heard all over England though only from a minority of speakers. Although to some extent associated with the London area, this probably only reflected the greater wealth of the south-east of England as compared with the rest of the country.
Nowadays, the BBC has a declared policy of employ- ing a number of announcers with modified regional accents on its national TV and radio networks. Within RP itself, it was possible to distinguish a number of different types see Wells —95 for a detailed discussion. It was always true, however, that — for whatever reason — many English people from less exclusive social backgrounds either lost, or considerably modified, their distinctive regional speech and ended up speaking RP or something very similar to it.
In this book, because of the dated — and to some people objectionable — social connotations, we shall not normally use the label RP except consciously to refer to the upper-class speech of the twentieth century. Rather than dealing with what is now regarded by many of the younger generation as a quaint minority accent, we shall instead endeavour to describe a more encompassing neutral type of modern British English but one which nevertheless lacks obvious local accent features. To refer to this variety we shall employ the term non-regional pronunciation abbreviated to NRP.
We shall thus be able to allow for the present-day range of variation to be heard from educated middle and younger generation speakers in England who have a pronunciation which cannot be pinned down to a specific area. His speech is a very con- servative variety, by which we mean that he retains many old-fashioned forms in his pronunciation. Jeremy, in fact, preserves many of the features of traditional Received Pronunciation as described in numerous books on phonetics written in the twentieth century which have since been abandoned by most younger speakers.
Daniel grew up in the s the recording dates from indicating that well before the end of the twentieth century non-regional pronunciation NRP was effectively largely replacing traditional RP. The estuary in question is that of the Thames, and the name has been given to the speech of those whose accents are a compromise between traditional RP and popular London speech or Cockney, see Section C2.
Listen to this speaker, Matthew, a university lecturer, who was born and grew up in London, and whose speech is what many would consider typical of Estuary English. What does seem certain, however, is that change is in progress, and that one can no longer delimit a prestige accent of British English as easily as one could in the early twentieth cen- tury.
The speech of young educated speakers in the south of England indeed appears to show a considerable degree of London influence Fabricius and we shall take account of these changes in our description of NRP. For further detail see Section C5, pp. In this book, NRP is the accent we assume non-native speakers will choose. Our main reason for selecting NRP is that English of this kind is easily understood not only all over Britain but also elsewhere in the world.
In Scotland, Ireland and Wales, notwithstanding the fact that there never were very many speakers of RP in those countries, the accent was formerly held in high regard certainly this is less so nowadays.
Today scarcely any Australians, New Zealanders or South Africans consciously imitate traditional RP as was once the case, even though the speech of radio and television announcers in these countries clearly shows close relationships with British English. Think of Anthony Hopkins and his portrayal of Hannibal Lecter. But in the twenty-first century any kind of British English is in reality a minority form.
Most English is spoken outside the British Isles — notably in the USA, where it is the first language of more than million people. It is also used in several other countries as a first language, e.
English is used widely as a second language for official purposes, again by millions of speakers, in Southern Asia, e. India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, and in many countries across Africa.
In addition, there are large second-language English- speaking populations in, for example, Hong Kong, Malaysia and Singapore.
In total, there are probably as many as million native speakers of English, and it is thought that in addition an even greater number speak English as a second language — num- bers are difficult to estimate Crystal a: 59— Figure A1. Locations populated largely by second-language English users are indicated in italics. See Crystal a: 62—5 for a table giving estimates of first- and second-language English speakers in over 70 countries.
In the United States, over the course of the last century, an accent of English developed which today goes under the name of General American often abbreviated to GA. This variety is an amalgam of the educated speech of the northern USA, having otherwise no recognisably local features. It is said to be in origin the educated English of the Midwest of America; it certainly lacks the characteristic accent forms of East Coast cities such as New York and Boston.
Canadian English bears a strong family resemblance to GA — although it has one or two features which set it firmly apart.
On the other hand, the accents of the southern states of America are clearly quite different from GA in very many respects.
General American is also used as a model by millions of students learning English as a second language — notably in Latin America and Japan, but nowadays increasingly elsewhere.
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We shall return to this vari- ety in Section C1. Other varieties of English which are now of global significance are those spoken in Australia and New Zealand.
Once again there is an obvious relationship between these two varieties, although they also have clear differences from each other. The first is the kind which most vigorously exhibits distinctive Australian features and is the everyday speech of perhaps a third of the population. The last is the term used for the Figure A1. General Australian, used by the majority of Australians, falls between these two extremes.
Finally, we have to remember that while there are so many different world varieties of English, they are essentially at least in their standard forms very similar. English as used by educated speakers is readily understood all over the world. In fact, it is unquestionably the most widespread form of international communication that has ever existed.
The study of sound in general is the science of acoustics. The study of the selection and patterns of sounds in a single language is called phonology. To get a full idea of the way the sounds of a language work, we need to study not only the phonetics of the language concerned but also its phonological system. Both phonetics and phonology are important com- ponents of linguistics, which is the science that deals with the general study of language.
A specialist in linguistics is technically termed a linguist. Note that this is different from the general use of linguist to mean someone who can speak a number of languages.
Phonetician and phonologist are the terms used for linguists who study phonetics and phonology respectively. We can examine speech in various ways, corresponding to the stages of the transmission of the speech signal from a speaker to a listener. Why use e-books rather than the paper version?
Apart from the added audio, interactive tasks and built-in dictionaries, the great benefit of e-books is the added capability of the device the e-book is on.
Smart phones and tablets almost all have some kind of voice and video recording capability, and often they will be able to support a vast range of free — or very cheap — apps, which can change a mainly receptive lesson or series of lessons into ones in which the students take their e-book and interact with it to produce their own creations. These creations, in turn, can easily be stored and shared electronically via email or, even better, a class blog.
How can they be used practically? Students read at different paces. It is impractical to ask them to share e-books — just as it is impractical to ask students to share paper books when focusing on reading the text.
When it comes to the productive tasks, however, I usually ask that students share one iPad between two or three students. We are lucky enough at my school to have interactive white boards or large TV monitors in each room. Students can hook up their iPads to these monitors to share with the class, either at the end of the activity for peer feedback, or after a preliminary phase to receive peer input and allow for amendments.
Even if this is not possible, it is easy to swap iPads and for peers to offer input or feedback. How can I compete with Facebook and other concerns? As soon as digital technology was introduced into classrooms, making sure students were focusing on classroom activities became a concern. The Internet and social networks have exacerbated this concern. Just as a teacher ensures that a learner is focusing on an exercise in the course book, rather than drawing a moustache on a picture of a s singer three pages ahead — monitoring is key.
Set challenging tasks that interest the students, and also prepare extra tasks for fast finishers. The sharing of work with peers after certain phases or set times often focuses students. The publishing of work on a blog also motivates students. It could even be that after students have worked hard to create something you allow them five minutes of Facebook time as a reward. Practical exercises: Pre-reading tasks Just as with a short text from a book, pre-reading tasks are vital to motivate the learner.
When motivating a learner to read an entire reader paper or e-book , this phase is even more important.
Phonetics in ancient India
Before the learner even sees the book, they can carry out research and tasks which will improve motivation. A PDF containing a webquest can be emailed to the students' mobile devices. The class can have the same tasks or different ones that can later be shared.
The initial scenario was this: 'A new e-book for iPads, aimed at English language students all around the world, is being developed. This replacement is equally true for Persian and Arabic loanwords into Hindi. This is common among people without formal English education. Retroflex and dental consonants are not present and only alveolar consonants are used unlike other Indian languages. Exactly the opposite is seen for many Bengalis.
This is usually dealt with by epenthesis. Spelling pronunciation[ edit ] A number of distinctive features of Indian English are due to " the vagaries of English spelling ".
Indians' tendency to pronounce English phonetically as well can cause divergence from Western English. This phenomenon is known as spelling pronunciation.
No other accent of English admits this voiced aspiration.All languages typically exist in a number of different forms. The following are the variations in Indian English: Pronunciations vary between rhotic and non-rhotic; with pronunciations leaning towards native phonology being generally rhotic, and others being non-rhotic.
Through such processes, we can eventually determine those speech sounds which are phono- logically significant in a given language. The publishers have three areas of extra content that they think might be interesting to students, but can only afford to develop two. See if you can find a number of different pronunciations for 1 the vowel letters o and a and 2 the con- sonant letters c and g.
Homophones also exist in other languages see p. A syllable can be defined very loosely as a unit larger than the phoneme but smaller than the word. As soon as digital technology was introduced into classrooms, making sure students were focusing on classroom activities became a concern.